Tuesday, February 28, 2006

McCain-Feingold revisited?

Today the U.S. Supreme Court heard argument in a Vermont case, Randall v. Sorrell, involving a challenge to that state’s highly restrictive campaign finance regulation. The Vermont law in controversy severely limits political campaign contributions and expenditures, and is viewed by some as an incumbency protection scheme. This statute was upheld on appeal to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals in 2004 by a 2-1 majority. The two judges voting in the majority were appointed by President Clinton.

Modern campaign finance legislation began with the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, which required disclosure of campaign contributions. In 1974, the Act was amended to set limits for both political contributions and expenditures in federal political campaigns and also established the Federal Election Commission.

Limitations on contributions and expenditures were considered by some to be infringements on free speech and the 1974 Act was challenged in court. In 1976, the Supreme Court in Buckley v. Valeo upheld campaign contribution limits but ruled that limits on expenditures were an unconstitutional infringement on free speech.

Fast forward to 2002, where new campaign finance legislation in the form of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (McCain-Feingold) was passed by Congress and signed by the President. This Act limited the use of “soft money” (defined as funds used for non-campaign purposes but intended to influence elections) by political parties.

McCain-Feingold was challenged and in 2003 the Supreme Court in McConnell v. FEC upheld the Act by a 5-4 majority, with Justices Breyer, Stevens, O'Connor, Souter, and Ginsburg voting to uphold. O’Connor wrote the majority opinion.

In the 2004 presidential election, the weakness of McCain-Feingold was exposed. Massive amounts of money were diverted from political parties to new “527” committees. MoveOn.org, the Media Fund, America Coming Together, and other 527 committees, mostly from the political left and financed by wealthy individuals like George Soros, were unregulated by McCain-Feingold and spent millions of dollars in an effort to influence the presidential election.

Now comes this Vermont case, with two Clinton-appointed judges upholding new restrictions on campaign expenditures, while 527 committees remain unregulated.

But now throw into the mix the fact that Justice O’Connor has retired. Justice Alito now sits on the bench in her place.

Although the decision in Randall v. Sorrell won’t be published until May or June, perhaps this case will result in a new majority that supports free speech in campaigns and thereby lessens the role 527 committees in the federal election process.

I’m optimistic. Here's another account of the court proceedings today. And another.

7 comments:

Rick Ballard said...

I read this thoroughly (for me) and I'm still at a loss as to how it gets to the 527 issue. I was pleased to see Justice Roberts' sharp questioning and pleasantly surprised at Justice Breyer's apparent position but where is the 527 hook?

When Feingold rolled McCain with that pernicious legislation, 527s and 501(3)(c)s were on board in droves - which is why the bill was such garbage to begin with. How does this decision (should it be returned as expected) begin the process of rooting out the 527s?

cf said...

How,indeed? Maybe the good sense fairy will fly into chambers and whisper in the judges' ears that it is past time to suggest error in the McConnell ruling.
(Oh, and my chance, did that 70% poll come from another Pell Foundation shell game?)

brylun said...

Rick,

It doesn't directly relate to the 527 money, but by restricting political committees and candidates, current law leaves the playing field fully open for unregulated 527s.

Free contributions and expenditures from restrictions and let the electorate decide for themselves and 527s will have less influence, in my opinion.

People always underestimate the intelligence of the voters. That's a mistake.

brylun said...

Let me put it another way. Before McCain-Feingold, no one ever heard of 527s, and they did not play a significant role in American politics.

But after the adoption of M-F, soft money could no longer flow to political parties and candidates, so it went to 527s.

If 527s are outlawed, in my opinion, the money will just flow in some other fashion. Americans are creative.

So the best way to deal with 527s is not by outlawing them in a "McCain-Feingold-like" statute, but to get out of the business of limits altogether, and just leave the reporting requirements in place.

The resulting free-for-all will lessen the influence of 527s, I think. And the voters are smart enough to sort it all out.

Rick Ballard said...

Brylun,

Sorry to have been slow on the uptake. I agree with the premise as you stated it in your second comment completely.

It would be nice if Congress would amend the McCain-Feingold Suppression of Speech Act and turn it into the Immediate Electronic Reporting Act - which would tell me all I really care to know about contributions. How much, who to and upon deposit - not too much to ask.

Syl said...

Just in case a lefty drops by to read this, you might add the SBVT who also worked a successful 527.

And how.

I do think it is significant that though the Reps won the 527 war during the 2004 election, we still are against them.

Well, I'm not actually against them. It's just that I'm against the M-F restrictions that gave the 527's such importance. I actually think that anyone with an idea, or position, should have the right to organize and get their message out.

Kathleen Callon said...

If you want Russ to run in 2008, please, come on over and sign the new petition at http://russfeingoldpetition.blogspot.com/. Thanks for your time.