El Vicentillo is on trial in the United States for his criminal activities. His defense has claimed that the U.S. government, under Bush, had cut a deal with the Sinaloa Federation providing a degree of immunity to Sinola members in exchange for information about other drug cartels activities.
Nobody is really taking those claims all that seriously, but El Vicentillo's legal team is using them to request wide ranging discovery of DEA and other U.S. documents. In addition, his team is using their sensation charges to couple to the Gun Runner scandal as they try to muddy the PR waters in preparation for selecting a jury when his case goes to trial.
Whenever a Stratfor article concerns Mexico I naturally search for a Mexican Hot Stratfor Babe and after my usual exhaustive I've selected Ariadna Thalía Sodi Miranda, who goes by the single name Thalia, for the honor.
Thalia is a Mexican singer and actress. Although she may not be well known to Anglo audiences, she's extremely popular and successful in the Latin market. She's parlayed her singing and acting popularity into a line of clothes and eyeglasses sold in Walmart, a line of chocolate for Hersey Chocolate, various product endorsements and, since becoming a U.S. citizen, a 2 hour, weekly talk show on ABC radio.
Oddly enough, years ago I caught bits and pieces of one of her telenovelas -- Maria la del Barrio. Since I missed the beginning of it, then only saw parts of it and don't speak a word of Spanish my grasp of the plot may be a wee bit sketchy. As near as I could tell she had been clunked over the head, developed amnesia and, Lost-like, her little baby had been kidnapped by some Eeevil Lady.
At the point I started watching the show Maria was imprisoned by a creepy guy who limped around with a cane, dressed her in rags and made her beg for him. She eventually escaped and started a singing career. Many soap opera hijinx ensued, with grandmas in hospital beds, some young guy in jail for some reason, Maria blubbering a lot, weddings, romances, broken hearts and what-not.
What was funny was every few episodes Maria would go to pray in front of the local cathedral and every time she did the creepy guy with the limp would show up too. She would see him, fling into a panic and proceed to run down the exact same dead-end alley where he would always trap her, dress her in rags and put her back to work begging. About the 3rd or 4th time that happened one began to doubt that Maria's cranium contained a brain.
Another amusing thing was that virtually every time a character first met Maria there was a dramatic sting of music as the camera zoomed into their shocked expression as they recognized her. So basically everybody in the show knew who the amnesiac Maria was, but none of the chumps could be bothered to tell her who she was. Then again, as I said I don't speak Spanish so maybe I missed a nuance or two of the plot.
As a bonus, after the article, I've embedded the trailer to Maria la del Barrio so you can get a taste of just how ridiculous it was. I particularly like the goofy crown she wears when she dances around as the sweet, innocent, yet happy poor girl.
SUSPECT ACCUSES U.S. OF AIDING MEXICAN CARTEL: UNLIKELY, BUT CLEVER DEFENSE
By Scott Stewart, September 8, 2011
Many people interested in security in Mexico and the Mexican cartels will turn their attention to Chicago in the next few days. Sept. 11 is the deadline for the U.S. government to respond to a defense discovery motion filed July 29 in the case of Jesus Vicente Zambada Niebla, aka "El Vicentillo." El Vicentillo is the son of Ismail "El Mayo" Zambada Garcia, a principal leader of the Sinaloa Federation. While not as well-known as his partner, Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman Loera, El Mayo nevertheless is a very powerful figure in Mexico's cartel underworld, and one of the richest men in Mexico.
The Mexican military arrested El Vicentillo in March 2009 in an exclusive Mexico City neighborhood. Grand juries in Chicago and Washington had indicted El Vicentillo on drug smuggling charges, prompting the United States to seek his extradition from Mexico. Upon his February 2010 extradition, it was decided he would first face the charges pending against him in the Northern District of Illinois. According to the Justice Department, El Vicentillo is "one of the most significant Mexican drug defendants extradited from Mexico to the United States since Osiel Cardenas Guillen, the accused leader of the notorious Gulf Cartel, was extradited in 2007."
The Zambada legal team's July 29 motion caused quite a stir by claiming that the U.S. government had cut a deal with the Sinaloa Federation via the group's lawyer, Humberto Loya Castro, in which El Chapo and El Mayo would provide intelligence to the U.S. government regarding rival cartels. In exchange, the U.S. government would not interfere in Sinaloa's drug trafficking and would not seek to apprehend or prosecute Loya, El Chapo, El Mayo and the rest of the Sinaloa leadership -- a deal reportedly struck without the Mexican government's knowledge.
The allegations generated such a buzz in part because they came so soon after revelations that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) and the Justice Department had permitted guns illegally purchased in the United States to "walk" into Mexico in an operation called "Fast and Furious." Marked differences separate the two cases, however, making the existence of any deal between Sinaloa and the U.S. government highly unlikely. Accordingly, the government will likely deny the allegations in its impending response. Even so, the July 29 allegations still could prove useful for El Vicentillo's defense strategy.
A History of Seizures and Arrests
The many seizures and arrests during the period El Vicentillo's attorneys allege the truce was in effect -- which the motion says began no later than January 2004 -- are the first factor undermining the allegations. For example, in February 2007 the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) announced the culmination of "Operation Imperial Emperor," a 20-month investigation directed against the Sinaloa Federation that resulted in 400 arrests and netted 18 tons of drugs and $45 million in cash. In 2009, the DEA announced the conclusion of "Operation Xcellerator," a multiagency counternarcotics investigation that involved the arrests of more than 750 alleged Sinaloa Federation members and confederates across the United States over a 21-month period and the seizure of 23 tons of narcotics and $53 million in cash.
The Northern District of Illinois indictment of El Vicentillo and other Sinaloa leaders contains a long list showing that the U.S. government seized thousands of kilograms of cocaine and more than $19 million in cash in the district alone from 2005 to 2008.
And these are just a few examples of Sinaloa's losses during the time the DEA allegedly turned a blind eye to the cartel's smuggling activities. Based on the size and scope of these Sinaloa losses in manpower, narcotics and cash, it is hard to imagine that anyone affiliated with that organization honestly thinks the DEA gave Sinaloa a pass to traffic narcotics.
It's the Politics, Stupid
The second element militating against the allegation that the U.S. government entered into an agreement with the Sinaloa Federation is politics. Such an agreement would be political suicide for any attorney general or DEA administrator and the president they served were it ever disclosed. And as anyone who has worked inside the Beltway knows, secrets are very hard to keep -- especially because of the length of time alleged by the defense in this case and because the period spanned multiple U.S. administrations involving two political parties.
Not only are such secrets hard to keep at the top levels of an administration, they are tough to keep at the street level, too. Notably, the first information about Fast and Furious came from rank-and-file ATF special agents incensed that guns were being allowed to walk. These agents leaked information regarding the program to reporters. The same dynamic certainly would have emerged among street-level DEA, FBI and Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents who had spent their careers attempting to stem the flow of narcotics. These agents would not have just sat by and watched narcotics shipments walk into the United States. Thus, if a long-standing relationship between the U.S. government and the Sinaloa Federation really existed, the story most likely would not have emerged first from a Mexican drug trafficker. [continued after the jump]
